Wild West Podcast
Welcome to the Wild West podcast, where fact and legend merge. We present the true accounts of individuals who settled in towns built out of hunger for money, regulated by fast guns, who walked on both sides of the law, patrolling, investing in, and regulating the brothels, saloons, and gambling houses. These are stories of the men who made the history of the Old West come alive - bringing with them the birth of legends, brought to order by a six-gun and laid to rest with their boots on. Join us as we take you back in history to the legends of the Wild West. You can support our show by subscribing to Exclusive access to premium content at Wild West Podcast + https://www.buzzsprout.com/64094/subscribe or just buy us a cup of coffee at https://buymeacoffee.com/wildwestpodcast
Wild West Podcast
Between Two Worlds: How Broken Treaties Sparked the Southern Plains Conflict
The violent clashes that erupted across the Kansas frontier in 1868 have often been shrouded in overly simplistic narratives. Historian Dr. Jeff Broome courageously challenges these conventional interpretations, revealing the intricate realities that drove Southern Plains tribes to warfare against white settlers.
Through his remarkable research into Indian depredation claims—sworn testimonies encompassing nearly 800 storage feet at the National Archives—Broome uncovers perspectives that have long been overlooked. "Here is a hidden voice of these settlers," he explains, shedding light on the experiences of frontier families intertwined in the conflict.
The roots of violence run deeper than commonly perceived. The Cheyenne migrated from Minnesota centuries ago, displacing other tribes and asserting their dominance over the Central Plains. Yet by 1868, their control had lasted merely two generations, while a series of treaties had drastically reduced their lands by approximately 15 times. The tipping point arrived as settlers disrupted the buffalo migrations essential to the Cheyenne's survival.
Most revealing is Dr. Broome's evidence regarding Chief Black Kettle, who was traditionally viewed as a steadfast peace advocate. Settler accounts suggest he "played both sides"—cultivating relationships with military authorities while supporting war preparations. Although he did not directly participate in raids, his role appears more intricate than previously recognized.
The August 1868 raids commenced along Spillman Creek, where newly arrived homesteaders suddenly became vulnerable on isolated claims. With no established towns or newspapers in the area, ascertaining exact casualty numbers remains challenging, though Governor Crawford estimated "upwards of 40 settlers" killed.
By delving into these untapped primary sources, Broome helps us grasp that the violence in 1868 resulted from a potent combination of diminishing resources, broken promises, tribal dynamics, and government shortfalls—a nuanced perspective vital for anyone striving to comprehend this pivotal moment in American frontier history.
Would you be ready to explore more? Subscribe to our podcast for the complete "Trails to the Washita" series, and share your thoughts at wildwestpodcast@gmail.com about what aspects of this complex history you'd like us to examine next.
"Edward Masterson and the Texas Cowboys," penned by Michael King, takes readers on an exhilarating ride through the American West, focusing on the lively and gritty cattle town of Dodge City, Kansas. This thrilling dime novel plunges into the action-packed year of Ed Masterson's life as a lawman, set against the backdrop of the chaotic cattle trade, filled with fierce conflicts, shifting loyalties, and rampant lawlessness. You can order the book on Amazon.
10 years before the massive outbreaks of Indian depredations on Kansas settlers, a Methodist minister accurately predicted that eventually the tribes living in the central plains would not tolerate encroaching settlers much longer in the Central Plains would not tolerate encroaching settlers much longer. James Griffin wrote to his wife in 1854, during the early days of the Kansas settlement, regarding the tenuous Indian situation, the following statement I sometimes think the encroachments of our people, repeated and grieving upon the claims and rights of the red man, may soon be beyond all endurance and their impatient spirit will. Wild West Podcast proudly presents the 1868 Depredations on the Plains with Jeff Broom the 1868 Depredations on the Plains with Jeff Broom. Today we have a special guest noted worldwide for his contributions to Native American history, james Jefferson Jeff Broom, a fifth-generation Native Coloradoan. Born in Pueblo in 1952, jeff moved to Littleton in 1962. Attended Arapahoe High School and St John's Military School in Salina, kansas. He received his BS from CSU Pueblo in 1975, an MA from Baylor University in 1976, and a PhD at CU Boulder in 1998. His degrees are in philosophy and psychology. Jeff is a professor emeritus of philosophy from a state college in Metro Denver. He has worked several years with the Arapahoe County Sheriff's Department, the Salvation Army Adult Rehabilitation Center in Denver and six years as chaplain and clinical director.
Speaker 1:Dog Soldier Justice was initially published in 2003, and Nebraska University Press took it over in 2009. In 2009, custer Into the West was published Upton Sons Publishers and edited David Hume's New Scene of Thought. His interest in Indian War history goes back to childhood. In 2013, he published Cheyenne War, indian Raids on the Roads to Denver 1864-1869, aberdeen Books and Logan County Historical Society. In 2020, he published Indian Raids and Massacres Essays on the Central Plains Indian War, caxton Press. He has also published numerous articles in journals, magazines and private historical societies.
Speaker 1:Jeff, first and foremost, mike and I would like to say how delighted we are to have you on our show. Over several months, we have assembled a series leading up to the Battle of the Ouachita. This series is entitled Trails to the Ouachita and our intent from the beginning was to provide our listeners with both sides of the story. We also wanted to bring to the show noted historians who could provide our subscribers insights into the 1868 conflicts between the white settlers in Kansas and the warring faction of the Southern Plains tribes. Today, we would like to offer our audience a deeper insight into the early August and September conflicts that led up to the Battle of the Ouachita. Jeff, can you provide our listeners with some insights into some of the reasons that the Southern Plains tribes became aggrieved by the presence of the white settlers, especially after the Medicine Lodge Treaty, which provided land and allowed the tribes to collect annuities or gifts from the government?
Speaker 2:Yes, in answer to that question, there's a book I would recommend by Elliot West called the Contested Plains, indians, gold Seekers and the Rush to Colorado. It's in there where I think he does an excellent job of sharing the causes of the war. There were multiple causes. If we go back about 40 years or 20 years before this conflict, the Cheyenne have settled down near Bent's Fort and trading well and at peace, no real conflicts, getting along with everybody, very little conflict on the Santa Fe Trail where Bent's Fort was, near present-day Lamar, colorado, and it seemed all was going well. But beneath this there were some other things happening. You see, that was a trading post of William Bent and they were trading first furs and then buffalo robes and at this time in the 1840s it was the buffalo robe and in one source that I read, a female Indian woman could make and prepare about 12 skins a year. That's what it took to put on one teepee and generally there were two took to put on one teepee and generally there were two, sometimes three women to a teepee and so there was always some, you know, making, keeping those going. But they're trading them for all the things they're getting from William Bent and other traders and they're happy with that. They're happy with the things that we bring them. That's where they got their beadwork and stuff. That's where they got their weapons, that's where they got their metal arrow points replacing the iron arrow points, replacing the stone arrow points, and it seemed to be going pretty good.
Speaker 2:And, as Elliot West notes, with the discovery of gold in Colorado, that all changed Comes the rush in 1859. And actually, if you look at the census for Colorado for 1860 and 1870, in 1860 it was a part of Kansas territory and they had their Colorado faction at about 34,000. In 1870 it's now Colorado territory and it's still just about 700 more than that number. And well, wait a minute, didn't a hundred thousand gold miners come through on the trails? Yes, they did, and I can't explain why the population is the same in those two census reports. But there was an onrush of people coming.
Speaker 2:And how are they getting into the gold fields? They're following the water courses, either the Arkansas River, which is the bottom part of the central plains, or the Platte River, which is the top part of the Central Plains, or the Platte River, which is the top part of the Central Plains. So it's that area from Casper, wyoming all the way down to Pueblo, colorado, and following the rivers about halfway into Kansas, that was Cheyenne to the Cheyenne and Arapaho in the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie on Horse Creek, and so they had all that territory that was theirs. But they loved to trade with William Benton. The Southern Cheyennes were down there. But as these watercourses come through Kansas and Colorado and Nebraska, all of a sudden we need stages. So there's stage stations about every 15 miles and then of course come all these other ranchers. There were two kinds of ranches that you read in the accounts then Ranch spelled as it's normally spelled and ranch with an E at the end. A ranch with an E at the end was a trading ranch, so that people coming through the freighters and that sort of thing and bringing all the people into the gold field can replenish supplies and stuff. And so, starting in about 1861, actually let's go back In 1860, we have the Treaty of Fort Wise signed, which is Fort Lyon. But it was originally called Fort Wise. But he left and became a general in the Confederacy, so they named it for the first officer killed in the Civil War Lyon treaty.
Speaker 2:All of a sudden, this land which they had from Casper to Pueblo over to Salina, kansas, inside those rivers that I mentioned, was reduced by at least 15 times, maybe 16. If you look at a map and put it out, they basically have southern end, southeastern end of Colorado and a tiny bit in Kansas, roughly from Kit Carson down to Lamar in the Kansas. And that's what they agreed to. But when I say they, there were only a few. Cheyenne that signed that Black Kettle was one of the Council of 44 that had been appointed in 1854, and he voted for it, but the Dog Soldiers, cheyenne didn't. So they gave up that land which opened up that North Platte and South Platte trails for all kinds of people coming in.
Speaker 2:Well, what happens when that happens? You have all of the natural resources gone. Gone are the feeding for the horses on the water routes, upsetting the buffalo migration, and these are right where all of the state stops are and all of the ranches, and all of a sudden it's white people everywhere. At first it's okay, we'll trade with them, we'll trade with them, but soon they see that their natural resources are being depleted their water, their trees, their buffalo, their meat, their hunting, everything was disrupted. It wasn't the railroad that disrupted the buffaloes, it was the coming of the white man and they saw that and something happened in 1862 up in UM, minnesota, in August and that was an outbreak there the Lakota there who killed the annual report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs has almost 700 killed, the numbers of the 640 or something like that and other accounts put it up as close to 800, but we know that almost 700 were killed, the majority of them women and children, in roughly a three-week outbreak.
Speaker 2:And as they chased them there's some fights in what would be the Dakotas today with the military punishing them.
Speaker 2:But these warring leaders came down and smoked the war pipe with the Southern Lakota, that's the Ogallala and Brulee, not the Hunkpapa but the Ogallala and Brulee, and also with the Southern Cheyenne saying if you go to war like we did up in Minnesota, you'll chase them out.
Speaker 2:Governor Evans was receiving reports on this as early as late 1862. They're in his reports in the Commissioner of Indian Affairs Several times. All of his agents at all of his places in Colorado reported to him in 1863 that the Indians are smoking the war pipe and acting as if they're peaceful until they get enough arms and ammunition to open up a war. And this is what Evans was hearing for almost a year and a half before the Sand Creek Massacre happened. And then, after that, there's another treaty on the Little Arkansas, where they try to. They promise reparations that were never given to the Cheyenne that were victimized at Sand Creek, but they also gave them a new territory in which to live, a smaller one, and tried to prepare the plains for the settlement with the Homestead Act of 1862. And this is where so many people were coming in. This is what they were seeing and this was brewing.
Speaker 1:Oh yeah, Jeff, we got a few more questions to get to as well, but, man, that is a fantastic introduction. Thank you. Well, thank you. Next up, in 1867, 50,000 immigrants converged on Kansas, as you mentioned, determined to claim the state's rich central prairies. Moreover, the rapid expansion of commercial farming foreshadowed the end of the classic Plains Indian culture.
Speaker 1:Hundreds of thousands of acres of prairie were busted out by the plow each year as the bison's feeding ground became rigorously converted to wheat and cornfields. Ironically, the cessation of the buffalo herds forewent that of the prairie itself, as the lumbering animals were preyed upon just for sport of killing or for the financial returns realized from the sale of hides for factories or selected cuts of meat. By late spring of 1868, a general onslaught was once again unleashed along the frontier by the southern tribes. As the casualties mounted, the frightened populace flocked to the safety of small towns. They barricaded themselves against the atrocities befalling many friends who remained on their homesteads. The homesteaders abandoned their crops and livestock in the fields to choose poverty over the risk of sudden death. Can you provide us a short synopsis of what is occurring in Kansas in 1868 that drives a wedge between some of the Plains tribes and the settlers of Kansas and why military intervention became necessary.
Speaker 2:Well, we can go back to these treaties and find our answer there. Because in that Treaty of the Little Arkansas, as well as the Fort Wise Treaty, or let's's go back to Fort Laramie in 1851. There, it was noted that the buffalo population was rapidly diminishing. This was because of their trade with the fur traders, mind you, more than any other reason, and it was predicted that within 20 years the buffalo would be gone. That's 1851. We go to 1868, and that's almost 20 years, isn't it? And so this was already predicted. That's 1851. We go to 1868, and that's almost 20 years, isn't it? And so this was already predicted.
Speaker 2:And so what the Indians got the two treaties of Fort Lyon and Little Arkansas, was permission to continue to hunt the buffalo so long as they were there. And that's where the conflict began, because the buffalo were interfering with the homesteaders. I mean, they were coming in there. When you read the accounts of these raids in 1868, in fact, one victim, his boy, was having a third birthday and he took his son with him and another person and they went out hunting buffalo. They'd only gone about a mile and a half when they met up with the Cheyenne in the raid, killed the two men and wounded the boys. The buffalo were right there. They were gone by 1873. So it was that the permission that allowed the Indians to be around the buffalo and promising to stay away from the settlement that they ran into the settlement, so to speak.
Speaker 2:And another thing needs to be said about this too, for the conflict is that the Cheyenne were actually for centuries up in the Minnesota area and they made a decision in maybe the late 1600s, early 1700s to become nomadic and follow the buffalo and live in teepees and they began to migrate down. They got into the southern plains here, or the central plains, and wiped out the Indians that had been there for centuries, the Pawnee, the Ka, the Ute. They took that land over. They only had it for two generations.
Speaker 2:When this conflict broke out, it could be seen with these conflicts that it was inevitable. So the year before 1868, there was a military campaign to try to get the Indians to come in and stop the warring and make another treaty this is the Medicine Lodge Treaty that ends up in 1868, or to fight, if you want to fight, and it was led by General Hancock, 1,400 soldiers, and some bad decisions were made there by Hancock. Probably the worst is the burning of two villages that had come in, one Cheyenne and one Oguwala, that belonged to Pawnee killer. When they left their villages because Hancock moved his men too close to the villages and they remembered Sand Creek and they fled. So this 1868 was to try to fix that and repair that. So we have this Medicine Lodge Treaty and it was agreed to in the fall of 1867. And then they were to get their annuities and all that and the conflict broke out pretty much what was going on and why the military was trying to intervene then.
Speaker 1:So, according to TJ Stiles in his book entitled Custer's Trials, a Life on the Frontier of a New America states that the chain of events that pulled Custer back into active service began in June 1868, when a band of Southern Cheyenne warriors raided a Kaw village near Council Grove. On June 3rd 1868, some 400 Cheyenne Indians flooded Council Grove, kansas, armed and painted for war. When the Indians reached the west end of town, they divided their forces, one half following along Elm Creek to the south of town, while the other continued to march along Main Street. The people were taken completely by surprise but held themselves in readiness for whatever might happen. What did happen at Council Grove on June 3, 1868, and why did this conflict between two Plains tribes, the Kaw and Cheyenne, prompt the need for military involvement?
Speaker 2:Well, this is a situation again where the Kha had long established in Kansas and the Cheyenne had fought them when they came down. So there had been conflict. This raid was actually in response to some Cheyenne being attacked earlier by the Kha in the year before, the summer before. So they went out, the 400 of them led by Little Robe and Taubo, and they got in there and there was a few Indians wounded. There was really not much more going on than that. It was reported in the papers and stuff and that. And the papers reported that several settlers had their homes raided and things destroyed and stuff. And in my research in the National Archives I found I think it was six Indian depredation claims of settlers whose houses were destroyed or severely damaged. In one case Indians intentionally marched their 400 horses over all the crops and destroyed them and did things like that. No whites were killed in that, but it did get reported and this bothered the government.
Speaker 2:An interesting thing about these treaties it wasn't until we get into around 1868 here that the treaties also tried to get the Indians to stop fighting their Indian enemies. Before there was nothing said about that. There was no treaty violations for attacking cause and that sort of thing, but this one was. So this caused a problem and they withheld the annuities. That included guns and ammunition. Actually they refused the guns. That came down as an order both from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the General of the Army. So the Indians were complaining about that. But that's what the conflict was about.
Speaker 1:Next up. According to Lonnie J White in his works titled the Cheyenne Barrier on the Kansas Frontier states. On August 3rd a 224-member raiding party comprising 200 Southern Cheyenne, including five sub-chiefs from Black Kettle's camp, 20 Sioux, likely Oglala, lakota and four Arapaho, left above the forks of Walnut Creek and proceeded north. Black Kettle was not among them, for he was a member of the Council of 44, a group of chiefs who were in charge of keeping the peace within the tribe and caring for the women, children and elderly. The raiding party crossed the Smoky Hill near Fort Hayes and at Fort Hayes, on the evening of August 7th, black Kettle smoked a peace pipe. A post trader named Hill P Wilson reported that Black Kettle was set on peace and he shook the hands of his white brothers. Kettle was set on peace and he shook the hands of his white brothers. At the time Black Kettle stated Black Kettle loves his white soldier brothers and his heart feels glad when he meets them and shakes their hands in friendship. The chief of 44 further stated All other Indians may take the war trail, but Black Kettle will forever keep friendship with his white brothers.
Speaker 1:Upon leaving Fortes, the Cheyennes moved eastward toward the settlements and camped the first night on the Saline near the mouth of Spilman Creek. That evening three Indians who spoke English rode up to the Bacon cabin in the neighborhood and told Mrs Bacon that one was Arapaho, one was Sue and the third was Cheyenne. That one was Arapaho, one was Sioux and the third was Cheyenne. They captured and violated the lady occupant Two days after Spillman Creek on August 14th, after the killing of Ben White and capturing his daughter. The real killing began 35 miles north of Spillman Creek along the Solomon. Can you provide our audience with background information on some raids in early August 1868?
Speaker 2:along the Saline. Yes, I can, and there's a couple of errors. What was said in that came from the research that you did. This was Bacon was attacked in the afternoon and released in the evening. Sarah White was captured on. Well, she's not mentioned. Yeah, that's been white. That was on August 13th and it was on August 12th that the killings really took place. Bad on the. These are documents not available on microfilm, not available in any other way than to visit there and pay for a copy.
Speaker 2:I learned of a book written in 1995 called Indian Depredation Claims by Larry Scogin, a noted historian, and he talked about their importance for study by historians. And he talked about their importance for study by historians and I noted that only one historian of all the people I'd ever read, a guy named John McDermott Jack, his friends called him had used some Indian depredation claims in one book. So I talked to him and I learned about those claims. He'd spent two years up in the National Archives as a part of his duty with the National Park Service and he worked in the Indian depredation claims and he got me all educated to what I needed to do and how I needed to hunt. And I got up in the National Archives. And just to show you and I'll explain these claims in a minute, but to show you the significance of these, one record group has 800 storage feet space holding 12,000 individual claims. Now, when I say 800 feet almost two football fields it's boxes, boxes that if you laid them in a line it would go almost two football fields long.
Speaker 2:And these Indian depredation claims go back to 1796 when Congress started passing laws allowing for American citizens to get compensation from Indians who might rob them if they were in treaty and receiving annuities and part of the law two parts of the law required an affidavit. That's a sworn statement, a statement under oath. That's what you do when you testify in court of what happened, given the details, the dates and what happened and the property lost and that sort of thing. So here is a hidden voice of these settlers that no historians have consulted other than Jack McDermott After me. Greg McNo is used some of them, but that's about it. A lot of these, a lot of historians who I say are lazy, refuse to get into these files and study them and there is a fascinating documentation that you get from that and that's how I was able to lay out everything.
Speaker 2:So let's talk about Black Kettle first, because something that kind of kept out of historians' accounts but they're in the records in the National Archives in the War Department is General Sheridan said in his annual report to Congress on this war. He said that after the Indians received their guns and I'm going to come back and talk about the controversy there they went up to Walnut Creek Now Walnut Creek is where Great Bend is today, it's about 30 miles northeast of Fort Larned, kansas and they went up there and they did their war, preparing all of their little prayer things and all of their war dances and all that and General Sheridan's report. He said that Black Kettle was right there with them, leading them in that. And when I got into the Indian depredation claims, another thing that was required was to produce evidence for the depredation, such as testimony from other eyewitnesses or newspaper accounts or things like that, and many of the people that lived on the frontier then that I found in these when I say many, I'd say at least five where these white people that were either freighters or settlers or that said something like this Black cattle played both sides on the war. He acted friendly to us but we all knew he was nothing but a spy to give to the other warring Indians. The newspaper article in Hayes was correct he did not participate in the raid, but he did participate in the preparations for the raid and then he intentionally went into Hayays to profess his peace, knowing full well what those Indians are about to do and are doing.
Speaker 2:And so when I say that after that incident at the car reservation in Council Grove the annuities were held up and finally they were sent everything but the guns, and the Cheyenne were so angry that they didn't get the guns with their annuities that they refused them and that was in late spring, well, after this raid, and, excuse me, mid-summer and refused them. And so finally the Commissioner of Indian Affairs authorized the issuing of the arms on April 3rd and if you study this Captain Barnett's station at Fort Lauderdale where they were given out, and he wrote his wife on July 31st I think it was on July 31st or 29th, one of those two days and he said to her he said Weinkoop, the agent, is now issuing his arms to the Indians and he wondered how long it would take before there's another outbreak to his wife. And then Commissioner Taylor authorized a release on the 3rd and then Weinkoop wrote a letter on August 10th and said yesterday, meaning August 9th, I distributed all the arms and ammunition to the Indians. I think the mistake in his letter was I finalized giving out all the arms and ammunition because they did have them and they did have them at that incantation that they prepared for that war and the settlers.
Speaker 2:In their Indian depredation claims many of them noted the new weapons that they were carrying. So as soon as they got them they took off. The other thing is finding out when and where things happen, because what is usually used Lonnie White used it and you quoted from it about the 224-member raiding party going up there and they say that they started their raids on the forks of the Solomon. But when you read the Indian depredation claims in the newspaper reports, those two the south and north fork of the Solomon Solomon come together about 25 miles before the settlers were hit by the raids. In other words, the raids were further east. It's today where Beloit, kansas, is.
Speaker 2:And that's where the raids really happened and they moved east from that and moved west. But I will say this the Governor Crawford, who resigned his governorship to lead the call for the 19th Kansas Volunteer Cavalry which accompanied Custer down to the Ouachita although they missed the fight because they didn't get there, it was a snowstorm and all that but they were with him on the rescue of Sarah White and Anna Morgan in March of 1869. Morgan in March of 1869. But Governor Crawford says in his book in Kansas in the 60s he says that upwards of 40 settlers were killed in this raid. That might be true.
Speaker 2:It's hard to find out because there were no newspapers in these settlements, because there were no towns. The town, the closest town was Salina and that's about maybe 70, 80 miles from Beloit where these raids happened and there were no newspapers there. Then Salina had it and then you had the Junction City Weekly Union, which is further east, and you had the Leavenworth Times and Conservatives. These were the stories that came out about the raids and they came out from reports of eyewitnesses. So it was really hard to determine the number of victims and stuff.
Speaker 2:But it started on August 10th on Spilman Creek and Spilman Creek, just if people want to have an eye to. It is about maybe 45 miles northwest of Salina, kansas, and the Saline River runs into the town that's today called Lincoln and that was founded in 1972. So see, there was no town there in 1868. But the settlers had just come in in the summer of 1867 and more in 68, and more in 69 and continued. But these were where the Indian raids happened and so there was just a. There was a lot of people that were new there, and Spilman Creek comes from the north and enters into the Saline River about four and a half miles west of present-day Lincoln, and you have to go up that creek, about maybe 15 miles, to get to where they raided. Mrs Bacon, she said that her closest neighbor was one and a half miles distant and both of them lived on Spillman Creek and both were the first victims on August 10th.
Speaker 1:But before we close, I would like to let our audience know how they could purchase one of your autograph books.
Speaker 2:Yeah, thank you for saying that. And just real quickly let me tell you that I got surprised about a year after my last book came out when somebody posted on my Facebook. They can get me on my Facebook, jeff Broom. Just send me a message. You don't have to be friends with me. Send me a message. I'd like to know about your books. Get in signed copies and I'll explain everything there. That's the best way to get a hold of me. But a ranger there gave this short review of my book.
Speaker 2:Indian Raids and Massacres. This is a ranger at the Ouachita Historic Site, so we're talking about the trails to the Ouachita. Listen to what ranger Joel Shockey wrote. This book debunks age old myths and deals with the facts about the Indian raids in Colorado, kansas and Nebraska that would lead up to the Battle of the Ouachita and the Battle of Summit Springs. Broome delves into the standard stories and then investigates firsthand source materials to peel away the fiction and find the true facts. I feel this is a must-read for anyone who is really interested in studying the Indian Wars of the Central and Southern Plains. It already has a spot on my bookshelf next to Green's Washita book, so that's where you can get my book from me by contacting me that way.
Speaker 1:Thank you very much, jeff. That is a fantastic review. That's it for now. If you'd like to purchase any of Jeff's books, you can check out the links on the description page of this podcast. Remember to check out our Wild West podcast shows on iTunes or wildwestpodcastbuzzsproutcom. You can also catch us on Facebook at facebookcom slash wildwestpodcast or on our YouTube channel at Wild West Podcast Mike King YouTube. So make sure you subscribe to our shows listed at the end of the description text of this podcast to receive notification on all new episodes. Thanks for listening to our podcast. If you have any comments or want to add to our series, please write us at wildwestpodcast at gmailcom. We will share your thoughts as they apply to future episodes. Music, music, music, music Music.
